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Will Any Serb from Montenegro Finally Say: Not In My Name?

Izvor: Skupština CG

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Will Any Serb from Montenegro Finally Say: Not In My Name?

Autor: Antena M

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How long Andrija Mandić, with the help of post-August political structures, will continue mocking the Serbian community in Montenegro, meaning all those who that evening were painfully aware of the humiliation but remained silent, believing that even this nationalist kitsch parade somehow protects them from the “evil Montenegrins” who supposedly want to take over their idea of Montenegro, whatever that means.

Written by: Zoran Majski

While my dear friend cynically suggested I take a lantern, Diogenes-style, and set out to find Serbs in Montenegro who today feel shame, both intellectual and national humiliation, stunned by the fact that in the disgraceful July 13th mobilization of Serbian identity, priority was given to individuals whose main creative trait is uncivilized anti-intellectualism, hopelessly wrapped in pseudo-artistic form, and whose greatest “achievement” is the notorious mix of outdated wisdom and windbaggery, I never gave up on what he called a futile self-delusion, believing that such people do exist and will eventually speak up.

Though I felt powerless against the impression that awarding this prestigious prize had been reduced to an honorary ritual at some village gathering around a rakija still, where, if you ask me, both the rakija and the still themselves are dragged unfairly into a context they don’t deserve, I still held onto hope that at least someone would react to this national humiliation and publicly call it out as a disgrace crossing a red line for Serbs in Montenegro, boldly shouting: enough is enough. And here I am, stubbornly waiting, ready to hold on, even though my friend teases me every morning: Got any news?

It’s not just about what Andrija Mandić, the unworthy Speaker of Parliament, is prepared to do to Montenegro and everything Montenegrin, while, distracted by his fears and obligations, he almost daily provides evidence more effectively than any prosecutor, pointing to what has always been clear: Montenegro is undergoing a continuous state coup.

Equally important is to ask how long Andrija Mandić, with the help of post-August political structures, will continue mocking the Serbian community in Montenegro, meaning all those who that evening were painfully aware of the humiliation but remained silent, believing that even this nationalist kitsch parade somehow protects them from the “evil Montenegrins” who supposedly want to take over their idea of Montenegro, whatever that means.

The final blow to the crime committed that night against the state and its citizens was dealt by a partisan-security clique in the making, ominously led by Aleksa Bečić. By attacking the gathered citizens with police cordons and chemical agents, citizens who were few and posed no real threat but simply wanted to draw attention to the ongoing uncivilized smearing of Montenegro’s most important state achievements, they exposed the true purpose of Bečić’s legally baseless yet populist-sounding vetting process.

A loyalist security apparatus is being built, homogenized to efficiently support projects aimed at the implosion of our state and society, increasingly visible in reactionary, anti-state, and civically unaware actions by loyalists of Aleksandar Vučić, structured to push the ugliest agendas through deep political presence. What more can be added after witnessing the state humiliation of that evening, when our highest honor, the July 13th award, was primitively and thoughtlessly handed to slogan-shouters and provincial idlers, turning it into yet another tool signaling the ethnofederalization of Montenegro? And all under the patronage of one of the country’s key state institutions.

This disgusting attempt to bury the fundamental values of the state of Montenegro was a clear demonstration of the real goals of this clique, unconvincingly downplayed by the pathetic squabbling of Andrija Mandić and the unfortunate laureates, aware they had to present themselves as peacemakers before international witnesses, though, to be frank, such peacemakers were nowhere to be found, except maybe the Serbian ambassador, for whom this context was, and remains, utterly irrelevant. Their pitiful and insincere flattery couldn’t hide their true aims.

Especially noticeable was the absence of the state leadership, who, bound by prior commitments, shamefully avoided participating in the blatant denigration of the country’s highest award. I believe their absence was more a political calculation than a disagreement with the aesthetic collapse, national hegemonism, and brutal revisionism we saw that night, actions carried out under the strict watch of the Serbian clergy in the front rows, whose honorary place in the event Mandić, even if he wanted, couldn’t ignore.

This absence signals internal confusion within the Montenegrin government, which also showed during the reception organized by the President of Montenegro for July 13th. Among other things, this helps explain the increasingly reckless and obvious rushing of the experienced and usually cunning Andrija Mandić, who, following the lead of Aleksandar Vučić, foreshadows through national homogenization what Montenegro might become if the often speculated, but so far unconfirmed, government reshuffle happens, a change that would bring nothing good to his politics or himself personally. The fear is even greater because such a scenario could revive some unfinished issues related to the state coup.

These are the fears. And we know that a boxer backed into the ropes can hit hard. That’s why there’s palpable tension skillfully played up by Mandić, as he provokes the patience of civic Montenegro, sending a message far and wide that Montenegro could become a battlefield that only he and his political structure, through their so-called “stabilocrat” leadership like Vučić’s, can keep peaceful in the face of rising extremism. Meanwhile, by manufacturing crisis patriotism and forced unity, any normal, reasonable voice coming from the Serbian community in Montenegro, helped along by Vučić’s compliant media, is labeled a betrayal of national interests.

It’s simply not realistic that there are no Serbs in Montenegro who recognize that the worst among them are playing with their future, presenting this horror of backwardness as a righteous and sincere fight for the rights of an allegedly endangered Serbian community. Quite the opposite! This is purely a struggle for dominance by political puppets carrying out Aleksandar Vučić’s strategy, whether willingly or unwillingly. If the EU’s goal is to pacify the Western Balkans through integration, it will not happen by “orbanizing” Montenegro, where Andrija Mandić’s leadership dominates, especially not by institutional-territorial division, turning the state into a provisional entity governed not by institutions but by loyalist and party coalition keys.

Hoping that these facts are so clear that intellectually and socially engaged Serbs in Montenegro see and condemn this, I still wait for their genuine resistance to this evil, which brings unrest to all of us alike, whether Serbs, Montenegrins, or others. So, my friend can mock me as much as he wants.

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